Recreation Evaluation Essay Example for Free

Recreation Evaluation Essay The therapeutic recreation process is a systematic method of planning and providing services for individuals with disabilities. The process is based on a systems theory approach. The system is designed for a guide for a well-defined, goal-oriented purpose to the activity or program being provided. It involves four phases: assessment, planning, implementation and evaluation. Use of the therapeutic recreation process is not dependent on location, but on systematic and consistent use of assessing, planning, implementing and evaluating services for people with disabilities. The process is applied in settings like hospitals, long-term facilities and useful in leisure education and recreation participation settings, like park and recreation agencies and schools. Delivering therapeutic recreation services in community setting has been successful when the therapeutic recreation process is applied. It is not the setting that determines the use of the therapeutic recreation process, but the needs of the clients. Using the therapeutic recreation process allows the therapeutic recreation specialist to individualize within recreation programs designed specifically for people with disabilities and to systematically develop support plans for inclusive recreation programs. The therapists conducts an assessment that identifies the client’s abilities and limitations by asking a series of questions related to social skills and observing their interactions with their peers. Information is gathered not only for the client, but also from family, caregiver, social worker, friends, and vocational counselor to provide thorough information prior to participation so that the client needs may be addressed. The purpose is to determine the needs of the individual in relation to the independent functioning in recreation settings. Materials include questions designed to determine an individual’s needs related to independent recreation participation. Program descriptions clarify activity content, participation requirements, possible risks, and intended outcomes that aid in determining these needs. Thorough and accurate information about the individual is necessary, even when participation is self initiated and voluntary. Without accurate information the quality of an assessment is compromised. Programs and activities may be pre-planned; assessments enable the therapeutic recreation specialist to individualize interventions, accommodations, and teaching strategies within group activities. For example, the leisure education program in which the client is registered may have a group goal to improve socialization skills through participation in group activities, but the client will have a goal more specific to their needs, such as the client will use socially appropriate means to identify deficits in specific activity skill (i. e. sports), as well as general skill (i. e. social skills). In addition, assessments for an individual participating in a specialized recreation program may differ from an assessment used with someone who is interested in participating in an inclusive recreation program. Assessments applied to those participating in separate programs often ask for more detail about the person’s level of functioning that an assessment used to analyze participation in inclusive recreation would. A unique aspect of a community recreation assessment is that it can be a lifelong process. Unlike treatment settings, such as hospitals where a therapeutic recreation specialist may only work with and individual for a brief period of time, people with disabilities who participate in community recreation programs often remain involved in programs for many years. From the assessment of the client’s social skills, the therapist discovered that the client had trouble initiating and sustaining conversations. For example, the client would stand by themselves and watch their peers rather than joining in conversations. When the client’s peers would include them in conversations, the client would walk away. The therapeutic recreation specialist found that the client often feels like they do not know what to say to others. The planning phase of the therapeutic recreation process can guide a therapeutic recreation specialist in developing individualized goals and objective for the client and then select recreation activities to meet the goals and objectives. The planning component is helpful for identifying activities to meet goals and objectives that promote independent recreation functioning. Some activities have the potential for improvement of functioning (i. e. warm water aquatics) in treatment and rehabilitation settings. The therapist selects a twelve week leisure education program that includes social skills training components to meet the objectives outlined for the client. Leisure education focuses on the development and acquisition of leisure-related skills, attitudes, and knowledge so a person can express him/herself through leisure. Community recreation therapeutic recreation programs provide and ideal environment to apply leisure education goals by teaching how to access and utilize community recreation resources, as well as how to develop skills related to independent recreation functioning. The therapists forms goals, develops objectives, specifies activities (i. e. social skills) and determines a means of evaluation. According to Austin and Crawford (1996), the implementation phase of the therapeutic recreation process is the action phase and involves carrying-out the individual or group program plan. The therapeutic recreation specialist carries out the social skills and dance program, focusing on group and individual goals, For example, the group will be taught how to appropriately ask someone to dance and the client will be taught ways to initiate conversations with dance partner. The implementation phase involves coordinating and executing recreation activities proposed in the plan, as well as documenting information about the individual (i. e. his or her responses), the program (i. e. time of day, duration), and the activities (i. e. competitive vs.learning). Implementation of the individual plan in the recreation setting requires focusing to social (i. e. attitudinal), programmatic (i. e. adaptations), and environmental (i. e. accessibility) issues. For example, general recreation programs in which people with disabilities can be included may not be structured to accommodate people with a variety of disabilities. The therapists may implement numerous adaptations or accommodations according to the individual’s disability and have knowledge and skills to make these adaptations to facilitate participation. Other factors that could affect the implementation of the individual plan include inconsistent attendance of a participant with a disability, unanticipated facility/environmental issues, lack of support from family/caregivers, inconsistency of general recreation staff, and inappropriate program placement. The therapist conducts evaluations on the client’s skills at the end of the twelve week program by asking the same series of questions asked in the assessment phase and conducting an observation. The purpose of the evaluation phase is to assess the client’s response to the planned program and the plan’s effectiveness and determine whether revisions are necessary. While conduction the evaluation, the therapists can interview the participant, speak with family members or caregivers, review documentation, administer questionnaires, and observe the participant while engaged in the activity. Conducting a mid-term evaluation will aid in the clients process and help in necessary adjustments to a person’s program plan. Thorough and accurate documentation is a critical component of the evaluation process. An important concern with evaluative documentation in the settings is that the information is made available to others and is ultimately utilized. For example, at the conclusion of the leisure education program, the client may choose to enroll in a new program with different general or therapeutic recreation staff. Assessment and evaluation information should be passed on to the staff of the client’s new program to ensure continuity of goals and objectives. Applying the evaluation phase of the therapeutic recreation process in the therapeutic recreation settings can be advantageous in that information tracking can be done over a long period of time, enabling in-depth, longitudinal evaluations. However, a limitation of conducting the evaluation phase of the therapeutic recreation process I the settings is that pieces of information gathered at different points in time may become fragmented and not unified in one location. The therapist’s role is to compile the various evaluative elements into comprehensive evaluation document to be used across specialized and inclusive contests over time. RESOURCES Austin, D. R. , Crawford, M. E. (1996). Therapeutic recreation: An introduction. (2nd ed. ). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Howe-Murphy, R. , Charboneau, B. (1987). Therapeutic recreation intervention: An ecological perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc. Sylvester, C. (Ed. ). (1996). Philosophy of therapeutic recreation: Issues and ideas. Volume II. Ashburn, VA: National Therapeutic Recreation Society Peterson, C. A. , Gunn, S. L (1984). Therapeutic recreation program design: Principles and procedures. (2nd ed. ). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, Inc RECREATION EVALUATION RCSM 351 12/07/2010 PEGGY PEARSON.

Modern Programming Tools And Techniques Computer Science Essay

Modern Programming Tools And Techniques Computer Science Essay Q:1 Define abstraction, encapsulation, modularity and hierarchy in your own terms. Ans:-AbstractionAbstraction denotes the essential characteristics of an Object that differ it from other objects, and thereby providing a boundary that is relative to the perspective of the viewer. Abstraction focuses on the outside-view of the Object, and helps separate its behavior from its implementation, Think of it this way, to you, your car is an utility that helps you commute, it has a steering wheel , brakes etcà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ but from an engineers point of view the very same car represents an entirely different view point, to the engineer the car is an entity that is composed of sub elements such and engine with a certain horse power, a certain cubic capacity, its power conversion ratio etc. It is the same car that we are talking about, but its behavior and properties have been encapsulated to the perspective of the viewer. This is what abstraction is. Encapsulation Encapsulation is breaking down the elements of an abstraction that constitute to its structure and behavior. Encapsulation serves as the interface between abstraction and its implementation. To understand encapsulation better, lets consider an animal such as a dog. We know that a dog barks, it is its behavior, a property that defines a dog, but what is hidden is , how it barks, its implementation, this is encapsulation. The hiding of the implementation details of a behavior that defines a property of an entity is Encapsulation. Modularity The art of partitioning a program into individual components so as to reduce its complexity to some degree can be termed as Modularity In addition to this, the division of the code into modules helps provide clear boundaries between different parts of the program, thereby allowing it to be better documented and defined. In other words Modularity is building abstraction into discrete units. The direct bearing of modularity in Java is the use of packages. Elements of Analysis and Design Hierarchy (Inheritance) Abstraction is good, but in most real world cases we find more abstractions than we can comprehend at one time, though Encapsulation will help us to hide the implementation, and modularity to crisply cluster logically related abstractions, at times, it just isnt enough. This is when Hierarchy comes into the picture, a set of Abstractions together form a Hierarchy, by identifying these hierarchies in our design; we greatly simplify our understanding of the problem. Single Inheritance Single Inheritance is the most important part of is a hierarchy. When a class shares thestructure of another class it is said to single inherit a base class. To understand the concept better, lets try this. Consider the base class Animal. To define a bear terms of and animal, we say a Bear is a kind of Animal. In simpler terms, the bear single inherits the structure of an animal. Multiple Inheritance Multiple Inheritance can be defined as a part of inheritance where the subclasses inherit the Behavior of more than one base type. Q:2 Sketch the object-oriented design or the Card game Black-Jack. What are the key objects? What are the properties and behaviours of these objects? How does the object interact Ans:-Blackjack Implementation It must write three new classes and link them with all of the previous classes in the project. The first class, DealerHand,implements the algorithm of playing Blackjack from the dealers perspective. The classcontains a field which keeps track of the current number of points in a hand, and a methodthat calls in a counter-controlled loop the method of the previous class GameDeck to deal cards one at a time from the top of the deck. As cards are being dealt, the current number of points in the hand is updated accordingly. Another method of GameDeck returns the value of the above field.The next class, PlayerHand, is a subclass of DealerHand. It overrides the method for dealing cards: the cards are still dealt in a loop, but the loop is sentinel- controlled this time, and the method incorporates interaction with the user. The third class, GameApp, contains the method main in which objects of DealerHand and PlayerHand are created. Methods for dealing cards are invoked on these objects. When these methods return, the winner of the game is determined according to the standard Blackjack algorithm. The specific details of the algorithms for calculating points in each hand and for determining the winner of the game are figured out by students with practically no assistance from the instructor. By this point in the course, the students are able to write this code independently, making use of the techniques, concepts, syntax and basic structures of the Java language that they have learned during the semester. While the application could be created using any development environment, Ibelieve that its success in my class is dependent upon the use of BlueJ. BlueJ enables this project in two ways: (1) as a very simple-to-use tool for writing and editing code, and (2) through the provided sample code that allows users to create images onscreen without any prior knowledge of Java graphics (e.g., the Swing API). Because BlueJ minimizes the hurdles associated with graphics programming, novice students are able to create an interesting and fun application, which helps them master the basics of the object-oriented approach in the earliest stages of their CS coursework.As an example, suppose you want to write a program that plays the card game,Blackjack.Youcan use the Card, Hand, and Deck classes developed. However, a hand in the game of Blackjack is a little different from a hand of cards in general, since it must be possible to compute the value of a Blackjack hand according to the rules of the game. The rules are as follows: The value of a hand is obtained by adding up the values of the cards in the hand. The value of a numeric card such as a three or a ten is its numerical value. The value of a Jack, Queen, or King is 10. The value of an Ace can be either 1 or 11. An Ace should be counted as 11 unless doing so would put the total value of the hand over 21. One way to handle this is to extend the existing Hand class by adding a method that computes the Blackjack value of the hand. Heres the definition of such a class: public class BlackjackHand extends Hand { public int getBlackjackValue() { // Returns the value of this hand for the // game of Blackjack. int val; // The value computed for the hand. boolean ace; // This will be set to true if the // hand contains an ace. int cards; // Number of cards in the hand. val = 0; ace = false; cards = getCardCount(); for ( int i = 0; i // Add the value of the i-th card in the hand. Card card; // The i-th card; int cardVal; // The blackjack value of the i-th card. card = getCard(i); cardVal = card.getValue(); // The normal value, 1 to 13. if (cardVal > 10) { cardVal = 10; // For a Jack, Queen, or King. } if (cardVal == 1) { ace = true; // There is at least one ace. } val = val + cardVal; } // Now, val is the value of the hand, counting any ace as 1. // If there is an ace, and if changing its value from 1 to // 11 would leave the score less than or equal to 21, // then do so by adding the extra 10 points to val. if ( ace == true val + 10 val = val + 10; return val; } // end getBlackjackValue() } // end class BlackjackHand Q:3 Sketch the object-oriented design of a system to control a Soda dispensing machine. What are the key objects? What are the properties and behaviours of these objects? How does the object interact? ANS:- The state machines interface is encapsulated in the wrapper class. The wrappee hierarchys interface mirrors the wrappers interface with the exception of one additional parameter. The extra parameter allows wrappee derived classes to call back to the wrapper class as necessary. Complexity that would otherwise drag down the wrapper class is neatly compartmented and encapsulated in a polymorphic hierarchy to which the wrapper object  delegates. Example The State pattern allows an object to change its behavior when its internal state changes. This pattern can be observed in a vending machine. Vending machines have states based on the inventory, amount of currency deposited, the ability to make change, the item selected, etc. When currency is deposited and a selection is made, a vending machine will either deliver a product and no change, deliver a product and change, deliver no product due to insufficient currency on deposit, or deliver no product due to inventory  depletion. Identify an existing class, or create a new class, that will serve as the state machine from the clients perspective. That class is the wrapper  class. Create a State base class that replicates the methods of the state machine interface. Each method takes one additional parameter: an instance of the wrapper class. The State base class specifies any useful default  behavior. Create a State derived class for each domain state. These derived classes only override the methods they need to  override. The wrapper class maintains a current State  object. All client requests to the wrapper class are simply delegated to the current State object, and the wrapper objects this pointer is  passed. The State methods change the current state in the wrapper object as  appropriate. . public class VendingMachine {               private double sales;               private int cans;               private int bottles;               public VendingMachine() {                           fillMachine();               }               public void fillMachine() {                           sales = 0;                           cans = 10;                        bottles = 5;               }            public int getCanCount() {return this.cans; }               public int getBottleCount() {return this.bottles; }               public double getSales() { return this.sales;}               public void vendCan() {                           if (this.cans==0) {                                       System.out.println(Sorry, out of cans.);                           } else {                                       this.cans -= 1;                                       this.sales += 0.6;                        }            }               public static void main(String[] argv) {                           VendingMachine machine = new VendingMachine();               }            } Part B Q:4 In an object oriented inheritance hierarchy, the objects at each level are more specialized than the objects at the higher levels. Give three real world examples of a hierarchy with this property. ANS:- Single Inheritance Java implements what is known as a single-inheritance model. A new class can subclass (extend, in Java terminology) only one other class. Ultimately, all classes eventually inherit from the Object class, forming a tree structure with Object as its root. This picture illustrates the class hierarchy of the classes in the Java utility package, java.util The HashTable class is a subclass of Dictionary, which in turn is a subclass of Object. Dictionary inherits all of Objects variables and methods (behavior), then adds new variables and behavior of its own. Similarly, HashTable inherits all of Objects variables and behavior, plus all of Dictionarys variables and behavior, and goes on to add its own variables and behavior. Then the Properties class subclasses HashTable in turn, inheriting all the variables and behavior of its class hierarchy. In a similar manner, Stack and ObserverList are subclasses of Vector, which in turn is a subclass of Object. The power of the object-oriented methodology is apparentnone of the subclasses needed to re-implement the basic functionality of their superclasses, but needed only add their own specialized behavior. However, the above diagram points out the minor weakness with the single-inheritance model. Notice that there are two different kinds of enumerator classes in the picture, both of which inherit from Object. An enumerator class implements behavior that iterates through a collection, obtaining the elements of that collection one by one. The enumerator classes define behavior that both HashTable and Vector find useful. Other, as yet undefined collection classes, such as list or queue, may also need the behavior of the enumeration classes. Unfortunately, they can inherit from only one superclass. A possible method to solve this problem would be to enhance some superclass in the hierarchy to add such useful behavior when it becomes apparent that many subclasses could use the behavior. Such an approach would lead to chaos and bloat. If every time some common useful behavior were required for all subsequent subclasses, a class such as Object would be undergoing constant modification, would grow to enormous size and complexity, and the specification of its behavior would be constantly changing. Such a solution is untenable. The elegant and workable solution to the problem is provided via Java interfaces, the subject of the next topic. Multiple inheritance Some object-oriented programming languages, such as C++, allow a class to extend two or more superclasses. This is called multiple inheritance. In the illustration below, for example, class E is shown as having both class A and class B as direct superclasses, while class F has three direct superclasses. Such multiple inheritance is not allowed in Java. The designers of Java wanted to keep the language reasonably simple, and felt that the benefits of multiple inheritance were not worth the cost in increased complexity. However, Java does have a feature that can be used to accomplish many of the same goals as multiple inheritance: interfaces. Class hierarchies Classes in Java form hierarchies. These hierarchies are similar in structure to many more familiar classification structures such as the organization of the biological world originally developed by the Swedish botanist Carl Linnaeus in the 18th century. Portions of this hierarchy are shown in the diagram . At the top of the chart is the universal category of all living things. That category is subdivided into several kingdoms, which are in turn broken down by phylum, class, order, family, genus, and species. At the bottom of the hierarchy is the type of creature that biologists name using the genus and species together. In this case, the bottom of the hierarchy is occupied by Iridomyrmex purpureus, which is a type of red ant. The individual red ants in the world correspond to the objects in a programming language. Thus, each of the individuals is an instance of the species purpureus. By virtue of the hierarchy, however, that individual is also an instance of the genus Iridomyrmex, the class Insecta, and the phylum Arthropoda. It is similarly, of course, both an animal and a living thing. Moreover, each red ant has the characteristics that pertain to each of its ancestor categories. For example, red ants have six legs, which is one of the defining characteristics of the class Insecta. Real example of hyrarchy Ques5 How do methods System.out.print() and System.out.println() differ? Define a java constant equal to 2.9979 X 108 that approximates the speed of light in meters per second. ANS:-1) public class Area{ public static void main(String[] args){ int length = 10; int width = 5; // calling the method or implementing it int theArea = calculateArea(); System.out.println(theArea); } // our declaration of the method public static int calculateArea(){ int methodArea = length * width; return methodArea; } } 2) public static void printHeader(){ System.out.println(Feral Production); System.out.println(For all your Forest Videos); System.out.println(427 Blackbutt Way); System.out.println(Chaelundi Forest); System.out.println(NSW 2473); System.out.println(Australia); } System.out.println(String argument) System.out.print(String argument) In the first case, the code fragment accesses the println() method of the object referred to by the class variable named out of the class named System. In the second case, the print() method is accessed instead of the println() method The difference between the two is that the println() method automatically inserts a newlineat the end of the string argument whereas the print() method leaves the display cursor at the end of the string argument Define a java constant equal to 2.9979 X 108 that approximates the speed of light in meters per second. Floating-point values can also be written in a special programmers style of scientific notation, in which the value is represented as a floating-point number multiplied by aintegral power of 10. To write a number using this style, you write a floating-point number in standard notation, followed immediately by the letter E and an integerexponent, optionally preceded by a + or sign. For example, the speed of light inmeters per second is approximately 2.9979 x 108 which can be written in Java as 2.9979E+8 where the E stands for the words times 10 to the power.Boolean constants and character constants also exist and are described in subsequent chapters along with their corresponding types. Q:6 Write a code segment that defines a Scanner variable stdin that is associated with System.in. The code segment should than define to int variables a and b, such that they are initialized with the next two input values from the standard input stream. Ans:- Import java.util.*; Public class mathfun { Public static void main(string[] args) { Scanner stdin=new scanner (system.in); System.out.print(enter a decimal number); Double x=stdin.nextdouble(); System.out.print(enter another decimalnumber); Double y=stdin.nextdouble(); Double squarerootx=math.sqrt(x); System.out.println(square root of +x+is+square rootx); } }   System.out.println(PersontHeighttShoe size);   System.out.println(=========================);   System.out.println(Hannaht51t7);   System.out.println(Jennat510t9);   System.out.println(JJt61t14);  Ã‚   Q:7 Separately identify the keywords, variables, classes, methods and parameters in the following definition: import java.util.*; public class test { public static void main(String[] args) { Scanner stdin = new Scanner(System.in); System.out.print(Number:); double n = stdin.nextDouble(); System.out.println(n + * + n + = + n * n); } } Ans:- public static void main(String[] args)-method double n = stdin.nextDouble();-variables public ,static, void ,-keywords stdin println-keyword test -class double-parameters

Bill Evanss Effects on Modern Jazz Essay -- musicology, musicians, his

The term modern jazz generally referred to the musical period after bebop, when musicians begun to approached harmony in different aspect. Modern jazz was often overlooked, often defined as jazz derivation or hybrid and was influenced by variety of musicians; among them was Bill Evans. He was one of the most important jazz pianists, and remained to be one of the most influential musicians of post-bebop jazz, due to his prominent sound that made him recognizable to everyone. According to Bert Konowitz, â€Å"Bill Evans Sound is created by using chords in the left hand that often do not have the root of the chord on the bottom, as well as voicing chords with tone clusters† (198). Bill Evan’s sound was distinct and involved unique technique like chord cluster and block chord. Bill Evans was an important figure that influenced the development of modern jazz, including the progress of modal jazz technique, the re-harmonization by chord voicing and the expressivity of jazz. Bill Evans was an impressionist piano player, influenced by his earlier age of classical music. He learned piano when he was a child and also attended Southeastern Louisiana University majoring in music (Pettinger 14). His educational background on classical music allowed him to improvised and explored the depth of jazz. As Leonard Feather's Encyclopedia of Jazz suggested, "The most personal characteristics of his work were his uniquely delicate articulation, his oblique harmonic approaches and manner of voicing chords, his occasional use of the left hand in rhythmic duplication of the right-hand line, and the ability to create a warm, beautiful mood within the framework of a popular song, a jazz standard or an original work". According to Professor Harrison’s lectur... ...to jazz with modal jazz and chord voicing was extremely influential to the modern jazz scene. These new technique brought variations to new musicians, influencing their personal style yet also pushing them to strive for their own freedom of improvisation. Bill Evan’s contribution to the jazz world is vast and he still continued to influence the jazz pianists until this day. Works Cited Israels, Chuck. "Bill Evans (1929–1980): A Musical Memoir." The Musical Quarterly LXXI.2 (1985): 109-15. Web. . Konowitz, Bert. Blues & Jazz Complete: Book & 2 CDs. Alfred Music Publishing, 1999. Larson, Tom. History and Tradition of Jazz. Kendall Hunt, 2002. Nisenson, Eric. The making of Kind of blue: Miles Davis and his masterpiece. Macmillan, 2001. Pettinger, Peter. Bill Evans: How My Heart Sings. Yale University Press, 1998.

King Lear - Disruption Of Order In King Lear And The Causes Essay

Shakespeare's King Lear is a play which shows the consequences of one man's decisions. The audience follows the main character, Lear, as he makes decisions that disrupt order in his Kingdom. When Lear surrenders all his power and land to his daughters as a reward for their demonstration of love towards him, the breakdown on order in evident. Lear's first mistake is to divide his Kingdom into three parts. A Kingdom is run best under one ruler as only one decision is made without contradiction. Another indication that order is disrupted is the separation of Lear's family. Lear's inability to control his anger causes him to banish his youngest daughter, Cordelia, and loyal servant, Kent. This foolish act causes Lear to become vulnerable to his other two daughters as they conspire against him. Lastly, the transfer of power from Lear to his eldest and middle daughter, Goneril and Regan, reveals disorder as a result of the division of the Kingdom. A Kingdom without order is a Kingdom in ch aos. When order is disrupted in King Lear, the audience witnesses chaotic events that Lear endures, eventually learning who truly loves him. At the start of the play, Lear decides to divide his Kingdom into three. Give me the map there. Know we have divided In three our Kingdom and ‘tis our fast intent to Shake all cares and business from our age. (I,i,37-39) This is the first indication that order is disrupted. Dividing up a Kingdom politically has many disadvantages that Lear do...

Biblical Figures and Ideals in Shakespeares Richard II Essay -- Richa

Biblical Figures and Ideals in William Shakespeare's Richard II William Shakespeare's Richard II tells the story of one monarch's fall from the throne and the ascension of another, Henry Bullingbrook, later to become Henry IV. There is no battle fought between the factions, nor does the process take long. The play is not action-packed, nor does it keep readers in any form of suspense, but rather is comprised of a series of quietly dignified ruminations on the nature of majesty. Thus, the drama lies not in the historical facts, but in the effects of the situation on the major characters and the parallels drawn by Shakespeare to other tales. The outrage felt by Richard and his fellow royalists is not due from a modern sense of personal loss, but from the much more important sense of loss of order, which came most predominately from the strictly Catholic sensibilities of the time. In Richard's time kings were believed to be divinely appointed and "not all the water in the rough rude sea can wash the balm off from an anointed king" (III.iii, 54-5). T his disparity between the perceived will of God and the way in which the events unfold creates trouble in the minds of the characters and the audience. Shakespeare makes it clear that this is not just a simple switch of power, rather a series of events whose meanings and effects penetrate far deeper than the mere surface of the story. Although not as advanced in its stagecraft as many of Shakespeare's other plays, the intricate web of metaphor and poetry in Richard II makes it perhaps the most meaningful and intense of the historical plays. Richard is not the sniveling villain a lesser playwright might have made him, but a philosopher and a poet whose ideas of majesty have been c... ...49-50), desiring to repent his sin toward Richard in Jerusalem. The historical reality of this story is merely that a bad king was replaced by a better one. However, Richard II is not merely a play about a few men long dead; it is about betrayal, dignity, sacrifice, and redemption. Seen through Shakespeare's eyes, the story is not even only about the characters contained in it, but about biblical figures and ideals that enrich the play, allowing this drama to speak to its readers no matter their location in time and space and enticing all to say, of Richard, as of Christ of Shakespeare: the King is dead, long live the King. Work Cited Shakespeare, W. "The Tragedy of King Richard the Second." The Complete Classic Shakespeare. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Johanovich, Publishers, 1997 The Holy Bible, New International Version. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1992.

The Backgrounds of Thami and Mr. M

As a young individual, Thiamin was not able to see how his education was so structured and influenced by the government. However, as time progresses, Thiamin cannot appreciate the education, for the people that control what is taught in the schools also force him to live through the horrendous conditions of apartheid. He admits that his education is a political reality in his life. At the end of the novel, Thiamin is faced with a very difficult decision. He ultimately decides to escape the nation because he knows he cannot join the mob and the violence of the people that killed Mr.. M. Thiamin wants change in SouthAfrica. He realizes that the best way to accomplish this goal is to start over in a new place. Standing around in the same township accomplishes nothing, and Thiamin realizes this is not the proper method to bringing about change. Mr.. M has suppressed Thiamin in a tiny environment for all these years, and he finally feels the need to break out and let his voice be heard. M r.. M grew up in a time where apartheid was not present. He had basic freedoms and he was not treated so harshly as the colored are treated in the apartheid period. Mr.. M turns a blind eye to the problems that are present in South Africa.He still believes that modern day South Africa is the same as it was many years ago. It is hard for Mr.. M to fathom the struggle of the colored people in South Africa because everything was integrated when he was a child. This makes it very difficult for Mr.. M, for over a short period of time he was stripped of his basic freedoms. Mr.. M believes that true change lies in the hands of the children, for they are the ones that have a future possibility of sparking change in society. Contrary to Team's belief that education is a politically based system, Mr.. M sees education as a chance to transform his dents into fighters.He wants to give his students inspiration and motive to rebel and question the system of apartheid. Mr.. M also favors education because he is lonely and depressed. Mr.. M deeply values the relationships that he creates with Isabel and Thiamin. It does not seem as if Mr.. M has a significant other in his life. It is strange that he holds such a personal bond with Isabel and Thiamin, and he continues to push them to be active members Of the team so he can spend time with them. He turns Thiamin into the authorities in hopes that it will cause him to return to school.

Korean “Comfort Women” of Wwii Essay

â€Å"†¦Use curiosity to ask challenging questions about what appear as normal, everyday banalities in order to try and understand make visible’ the hidden gendering of the practice and theorizing of international relations† –Cynthia Enloe In times of armed conflict, women are most susceptible to violence and silencing through the sexualization, dehumanization, and stigmatization of their identities. Janie Leatherman highlights this point when stating â€Å"gender based violence often intensifies and becomes more extreme in a crisis, even escalating into a tool of war â€Å" (4). This is inevitable in a patriarchal society where hegemonic masculine values construct gender norms and gender expectations. Sexual violence during armed conflict does not develop in isolation from the society’s preexisting socioeconomic and culturally shaped gender relationships. Furthermore, the patriarchal nature of a society does not work alone in creating injustices, such as sexual violence, against women during and after armed conflict; there must be a â€Å"framework that embraces the realities, contradictions, and intersections of various global relations of power† (Kempadoo, 29). These intersections include the relationships between gender, race, class, cultural, and societal ideologies. In my paper, I take on Cynthia Enloe’s challenge of using an enquiring, gendered lens to explore the silencing of women during and after war by examining the case of the Korean ‘comfort women’ of World War II. I will analyze how the intersection of prevailing social determinants and ideologies have regulated and perpetuated the rationale and, thus, the invisibility of the Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II. Literature Review & Research Methodology Yoshiaki Yoshimi’s Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II, Margaret Stetz’s Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II, as well as Toshiyuki Tanaka’s Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II were mainly used throughout my research to gather the testimonies of surviving Korean comfort women. All three books give a comprehensive look into the phenomenon of the Japanese military comfort women system with historical background and an abundance of testimonies and documentation of the Korean comfort women. Because my research focuses on the silencing of Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II, these oral histories provide crucial supporting evidence throughout my paper. Besides two testimonies by one Japanese soldier and one Japanese military doctor, testimonies by other Japanese soldiers and government officials that have acknowledged the existence of the comfort women stations were difficult t o find. Therefore, throughout these testimonies, I specifically looked for patterns that revealed evidence of Japanese gender hierarchies through the diction and accounts that imply any dehumanization and objectification imparted by Japanese soldiers. To investigate the determinants that had cultivated the Japanese comfort station system and, more importantly, the targeting of Korean women for the system, I specifically used Cynthia Enloe’s Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives as well as Janie Leatherman’s Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Both authors give insights and analyses of the causes and consequences of sexual violence during armed conflict. They both emphasize the interplay of patriarchal systems, gender constructions/norms, and political/economic/cultural structures as large contributors. In addition to these specific determinants, I incorporate Sara Ahmed’s analysis to sexual violence by considering the â€Å"cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism† in my analytical approach (138). By applying and intertwining the critical approaches of Enloe, Leatherman, and Ahmed, I am able to isolate the multifaceted, yet intersecting institutions and ideologies that had fabricated the invisibility of and the rationale for the Korean comfort women. Background of the Japanese Comfort Stations The euphemism ‘comfort women’ was the name assigned to thousands of women –mainly Korean but also Burmese, Chinese, Dutch, Eurasians, Indians, Indonesian, Filipina, and Taiwanese –who were forced into the Japanese comfort station system (Japan’s military controlled whore houses or brothels) throughout World War II (Yoshimi). These so called ‘comfort stations’ were far from comforting. The conditions of the physical spaces have been described as â€Å"barrack-like facilities, rudimentary tents, [or] shacks† (Yoshimi, 25). One Japanese military doctor has testified that the women were treated like â€Å"female ammunition† and that their dehumanized bodies were reduced to the likes of â€Å"public toilets† (Wantabe, 20). The testimony of Hwang Kum-Ju, one of the first Korean comfort women to testify in public, only reveals a glimpse of the sufferings she and fellow comfort women had to endure: â€Å"There were so many soldiers. Sometimes, we had to do it with twenty to thirty soldiers a day. I think ours was the only comfort station in that area, and soldiers and officers came whenever they had some spare moments. Higher-ups came freely, and at night we usually slept with officers. Women who contracted venereal diseases were simply left to die or shot. Anyone resisting the advances was beaten† (Kim, 97). Comfort women were subjected to daily rapes, sexual diseases, torture, murder, and other forms of mental, physical, and sexual violence. The comfort stations were created during World War II as a solution to the aftermath of the Japanese military committing mass murders and rapes as they moved across mainland Asia. The catalyst for the creation of the comfort system was the most infamous massacre known as the â€Å"The Rape of Nanking† in which the whole village of Nanking was murdered after the Japanese soldiers raped approximately 20,000 village women. Because this particular massacre caused such an outcry in the international press, Emperor Hirohito of Japan ordered the creation and systematic expansion of the comfort stations. However, the purpose for which these comfort stations were created was not out of concern for the safety of local women of in the territories in which the Japanese soldiers were stationed. Naoai Murata, the Defense Agency Director of the Secretariat in 1992, claimed that they were created in order to ‘†¦maintain order [and] to ease the anti-Japanese feeling aroused by the Japanese soldier’s deeds’ (Schmidt, 88). This would restore the image of the Imperial Army by confining and concealing rape and sexual violence to military controlled facilities. Additionally, as the war progressed, these comfort stations transformed into spaces that provided opportunities for the Japanese soldiers to have sex as a means of relaxation and comfort, a boost for morale, a space to assert their masculinity, to relieve the stress and fear of combat, and an outlet from strict military discipline (Yoshimi, 53). The following interview of one Japanese soldier highlights the psychological influence and importance of the comfort women to the Japanese soldiers: â€Å"Even though we had just returned from lengthy military operations at the front, the thought of having sex made us leave immediately for the [comfort women]. When we arrived at where the women were, soldiers took their place in line and mulled over life and death while waiting for their turn. There was nothing else like the supreme feeling of completeness that the soldiers experienced when engaging in sex with the women. This was the only way for them to whole-heartedly escape from their abnormal existence† (Yoshimi, 54-55). The advocacy and rationale for the comfort women system reveal the dependency of the military on women. The comfort women system was considered an important element for the war efforts, even if only temporary. Why Korean Comfort Women? Approximately 80% of the 100,000 to 200,000 comfort women were Korean with ages ranging from 13 to mid-20’s (Yoshimi, 67). The question that can be elucidated from this statistic is simple: ‘why were the majority of the comfort women Korean?’ The answer to this question can be answered with: â€Å"†¦the military usually does not need – or want- all women to provide all these militarized services. Rather, government officials have needed women of some classes and some races and some ages to serve some of these functions†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Enloe 2000, 44). Furthermore, in order to further pinpoint the determinants to why this marginalized group was targeted, there needs to be â€Å"an engagement with the interplay of global relations of power around gender, race, nationality, and the economy (Kempadoo, 29). These underlying intertwining ideologies and institutions that have contributed to the explicit targeting of Korean women for the Japanese comfort stat ions need to be explored. Racial Ideologies: Racism The excessive usage of Korean women for the Japanese comfort system is directly linked to the elements of racism. This phenomenon can be analyzed by the intertwined relationship between colonialism, race, socially constructed gender ideologies. As Sara Ahmed emphasizes, â€Å" a consideration of cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism is important for two main reasons. First it demands that feminism reject any approach, which isolates the production of gender from race and colonialism. As a result, it requires us to consider how certain feminisms may themselves function as part of the colonialist culture† (138). With this framework in mind, it can be elucidated that the targeting of Korean women stems from the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 from which Korea became a protectorate of Japan and later officially colonized in 1910. Despite the fact that Korea had become a colony under Japan’s rule, the Japanese government and society’s sentiment â€Å"dictated that the [Korean] population was still considered to be racially inferior† (Tanaka, 96). While exploiting and objectifying Korean women, the Japanese military did not see it appropriate to exploit their own women to the same extent: â€Å"[Japanese] officials believed [international] laws were not applicable to Japan’s colonies, and this, combined with the belief in the superiority of Japanese women and the suitability of women of other races for prostitution, cemented to use [Korean] women from the colonies as comfort women† (Tanaka, 97) The Korean comfort women were positioned and identified as ‘uncivilized,’ inferior, subjugated, and promiscuous by the Japanese masculine colonial mindset. Derogatory and sexualized words, accompanied by violence, were used against the Korean comfort women at the comfort stations as racially discriminatory identifiers of the superior and the inferior groups. These words included ‘Ppagayor! Senpino kuseni!’ which translates to ‘Idiot! Nothing but a Korean cunt!’ (Yoshimi, 113). Enloe explains that objectifying foreign women makes it easier for military officials to marginalize them: â€Å"it was far easier for commanders to send women if they could be portrayed as rootless, promiscuous, parasitic, and generally a drag on the military’s discipline and battle readiness† (2000, 40). The images inscribed on the inferior, ‘colonized’ Korean comfort women rose from the colonialist, racial, and masculine institutions. The importance of the intersection of these institutions is emphasized by Kempadoo â€Å"a large number of women upon whose bodies and labor such constructions of masculinity depend are of nations, races, and ethnicities other than those of men is a reality that cannot be neglected or ignore† (31). These constructions of the Korean comfort women’s identities fabricated a justification that only naturalized the Japanese nation’s domination over Korean through the Korean comfort women. Gender Ideologies: Sexualized Femininity/Militarized Masculinity During World War II, the prominently patriarchal nature of the Japanese society reestablished the preexisting gendered, dichotomous construction of sexuality for both men and women in which the degree of masculinity of soldiers was greatly dependent on the comfort women. Cynthia Enloe highlights this notion by recognizing that â€Å"the women were one of the strengths, which maintained the military organization† (Enloe 1988, 187). Enloe draws attention to this dependency by stating ‘the military needs women as the gender ‘women’ to provide men with masculinity –reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering (Enloe 1988, 214). During World War II, within the Japanese military, there were socially constructed forms of masculinity and femininity that were reinforced by the onset of war and the military. The service of and dependency on the objectified women’s body s tems from what Carole Vance explains to be social constructions of gender and sexuality, not as â€Å"natural† and â€Å"unchanging† biologically determined notions of gender and sexuality. Socially constructed gender roles have shaped â€Å"sexuality as a form of power† (Mackinnon, 2). Catherine Mackinnon further describes these powerful gender roles: â€Å"the social beings we know as man and woman are bound by social requirements of heterosexuality, which institutionalizes male sexual domination and female sexual submission† The woman’s identity becomes inexplicably attached to her sexuality, becoming â€Å"that which is most of her own, yet is most taken away† (Tong, 111). Sexuality becomes distorted into an ideal of sexuality that reduces women to sexual objects while placing men as the dominating, sexual subject. The highly hierarchical gender system of Japan during World War II fostered an inequality between men and women in which â€Å"men create the demand and women are the supply† (Hughes, 11). The objectification of the Korean women was necessary for the militarization of men. (Enloe 2000). During times of war, the ideologies of masculinity that â€Å"their love and respect can only be met by being masculine, powerful, and ult imately violent† are fuelled (Kokopeli, 233). This is because the military as a social institution is constructed by ideals of male sexuality. The sexualization of the female body aids the military in the marginalization of women as it depicts women as objects and tools for the soldier’s sexual satisfaction. Vance states that all â€Å"social construction approaches adopt the view that physically identical sexual acts may have varying social significance and subjective meaning depends on how they are defined and understood in different cultures and historical periods† (29). Militarized masculinities are sexualized in violent forms, which was clearly the case among the Japanese soldiers. The socially constructed feminine identity at the time was one of which sexuality was merely designed to service individual men and male defined institutions. This explanation creates a foundation for the upheld rigid distinctions between masculine and feminine ideals in the Japanese society during World War II. For the Japanese male soldiers, the militarized masculine model of sexuality embodied notions of dominance, destructi on, aggression, and sexual conquest. On the other hand, the Korean comfort women subjected to this patriarchal society were merely reduced to submissive, obedient, and sexual tools. Enloe also argues that wartime sexual violence provides ‘masculinity-reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering’ (1988, 214). The practice of going to the comfort stations to have sex with the comfort women became a routine for the Japanese soldiers; the women were seen as a â€Å"necessary evil† (Tanaka, 67). Whereas on the battlefield, the Japanese soldiers had little control, having sex with women against their will gave the men the masculine power of dominance and self-assertion. In battle, Japanese soldiers were merely seen as military ammunition for combat, but they were able to reinforce their own masculine subjectivity and agency through the sexual objectification of Korean comfort women. This can be comprehended through the account of one Korean comfort woman, Yi Sunok: â€Å"There were many times when I was almost killed. If I refused to do what one man asked, he would come back drunk and threaten me with his sword. Others simply arrived drunk, and had intercourse with their swords stuck in the tatami. This left the tatami scarred, but this sort of behavior was more of a threat to make me accede to their desires and give them satisfaction† (Tanaka, 56). The Korean comfort women provided an environment where the men could reinforce militarized masculine at the expense of the women’s dehumanization as well as their mental and physical health. The Korean comfort women not only suffered enforced sex, but sex routinely accompanied by routine violence and torture. Although the comfort women station system was blatant throughout World War II, it was rationalized by socially constructed, yet biologically justified, notions of male sexuality. Vance would call this justification as â€Å"biological determinism,† which is the belief that biology determines fundamentally all behavior and actions. The belief that the comfort women were needed because of the male Japanese soldiers’ biologically determined, uncontrollable sexual needs can be perceived in the secret report by a psychiatrist of the Konodai army hospital in 1939: â€Å"The army authorities established comfort stations†¦because they assumed that it was impossible to suppress the sexual urge of soldiers. The main purposes of setting up comfort facilities were to relieve soldiers of daily stresses by giving them a sense of sexual satisfaction and to prevent rapes which would damage the reputation of the Imperial army from happening† (Yoshimi, 1992, 228). This understanding of male sexuality inadvertently reduces the rationale for the comfort station system to a biological one. It justifies the creation of the comfort women system as unavoidable and inevitable as though there was no other solution. The biological determinism argument is a legitimizing tool for it positions this constructed masculinity as outside of human control. The trope of ‘uncontrollable military male sexuality’ rooted in the ‘nature’ rationale only suspends moral and legal restrains on the comfort women system while perpetuating and justifying the women’s objectified, subordinate position. Socioeconomic Status The majority of the Korean women that were targeted in the comfort station system were from a low socioeconomic class. Hughes reiterates this point by pointing out that recruiters of areas in the sex industry â€Å"take advantage of poverty, unemployment and a desire to emigrate to recruit and traffic women into the sex industry† (11). Hughes also includes a report from the Women’s NGO which states, â€Å"†¦economic hard times has lead to a depression of women’s psychological state with a loss of self esteem and hope for the future. Women accept unlikely offers of employment in unskilled jobs at high salaries with the resignation that ‘it cannot be worse’ than their present lives. Recruiters for the sex industry target the most economically depresses areas† (12). The Korean women of low economic status and class were vulnerable to the deceitful recruitment methods of the Japanese. For example, the Korean population in the Japanese colonized territories was very poor during World War II because Japan had taken any available means of production of food and clothes for the war effort (Argibay, 378). This left most of the young Korean women and girls living in poverty and starting menial labor at a very early age in order to support their families. ‘Recruiters’ would encourage compliance by convincing the women that they would obtain high paid jobs as seamstresses and nurses or working in a hospital or a factory (Stetz, 10). One comfort women named Suntok Kim recalls that when she was being ‘recruited,’ the prospects of being a ‘comfort woman’ for the Japanese seemed promising because she came from a poor family and had no education. Working in a factory was far better than her current working and living conditions (Stetz, 10). Furthermore, the U.S. Office of War Interrogation Report No. 49 reports that when being recruited â€Å"Korean women assumed that comfort service consisted of visiting wounded soldiers and generally making the soldiers happy, and that many Korean women enlisted on the basis of these misrepresentations† (Arigbay , 378) Another means of recruitment that targeted Koreans of low socioeconomic class was through the method of debt bondage, indenturing the Korean comfort women to the Japanese military. Economically destitute rural families were deceived into thinking that they had a choice of whether or not to sell their daughters to the Japanese military; however, in reality, they were being coerced with violence and had no agency in this matter. Many reports have indicated that families who refused to sell their daughters were killed and girls taken to the Japanese military bases after. The Japanese would also threaten to destroy â€Å"the whole village, kill the elders and children and commit other violent measures† (Arigbay, 278). Many Korean comfort women did not have the agency, autonomy, or the economic option to oppose Japanese forces. Offering a payment was simply a customary ruse by the Japanese military to justify their methods in taking these powerless Korean women. Continuum of Injustice & Invisibility in the Aftermath Stigmatization: Cultural & Social Institutions In the aftermath of World War II, the experiences of the comfort women were silenced for approximately 50 years. This silence was finally broken in the early 1990s when the issue was brought to light as former comfort women began to release their testimonies to the public. When this issue began to gain public attention, the Japanese government immediately declared that the comfort women system did not exist in the Japanese military and thus â€Å"there could be no question of any apology, memorial, or disclosures by the Japanese government† (Uncomfortable Truths). To this day, comfort women are still waiting for an apology for the violation of their human rights and for the objectification of their bodies and identities from the Japanese government. Many grassroots organizations and feminist groups have been created since the early 1990s to draw attention to issue of the comfort women. These include the Korean Research Institute for Chongsindae and the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Sexual Slavery by Japan. Since the early 1990s over one hundred women in South Korea have registered with the Korean government as former comfort women (Kim, 74). However, despite these efforts, the stark question of ‘why’ the surviving Korean comfort women were silenced for so long still remains. The surviving women have not only suffered from mental and physical injuries, but also had to suffer from additional social injuries. Many of the surviving Korean comfort women have had to live a stigmatized and isolated life as they tried to assimilate back into the communities. They were â€Å"condemned to live out their lives as social, pariahs, shunned by their families, tortured by injury and illness, some sent mad by their ordeal†¦some committed suicide, others became insane† (Askin, 13). This stigmatization can be attributed to the Confucian societies in Korea for the Korean comfort women were products of this culture. The Confucian definition of the traditional feminine identity highlights docility and emphasizes chastity as a woman’s most important virtue (Stetz, 13). As Iris Chang reiterates: â€Å"Asian Confucianism-particularly Korean Confucianism- upheld female purity as a virtue greater than life and perpetuated the belief that any woman who could live through such a degrading experience and not commit suicide was herself an affront to society] This cultural ideology demanded that unmarried women must be virgins and blamed the women for not being able to prevent any forms of sexual violation (53). With high moral value attached to chastity and purity, the comfort women â€Å"invariably emerged from their wartime experiences defiled, yet unable to accuse their abusers† (Askin, 25). The fear of isolation and stigma from their defilement only silenced them, leaving these sexual atrocities in the dark for 50 years. The internalization of this feminine identity caused Korean comfort women to lose self-respect, to live in shame, and ultimately perpetuate their own stigmatization. Furthermore, the social stigma and shame attached to rape and sex were fostered by Korean society and the Korean comfort women’s own families. Patty Kelly explains this stigma as â€Å"a blemish of individual character that [the] women cannot escape†¦the stigmatized person is perceived as possessing weak will, unnatural passions, and treacherous beliefs† (192). The stigma of rape and sex embody has implications on community, family, and responsibility. Kelly asserts that stigma associated with sex work â€Å"circumscribes one’s social relations†¦causes fear and shame†¦creates inauthenticity in daily life† (194). Keith Howard describes the lives that the surviving Korean comfort women had to endure in their communities: â€Å"When they returned to Korea†¦they were neither faithful nor chaste. They were not exemplary women. The families of the comfort women feared the ostracism they would suffer if the shameful past were discovered; the women became an extra burden, and there was little chance to marry them off† (7). This social stigma and discrimination oppressed the surviving Korean comfort women. As Kelly points out, social relations with the family were tainted. Some of the Korean comfort women were seen as a disgrace to their family by their own family and by the rest of society. One Korean comfort woman by the name of Tokchin Kim has revealed that the honor of her family and the relationship with her family hindered her from publicizing her experience, which only allowed the comfort station system to remain invisible. Tokchin Kim had tried to register at the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan as a former comfort woman. However, her nephew expressed â€Å"You will only bring trouble on your family and your children will be traumatized† (Yoshimi, 4 9). Because of the stigmatization, humiliation, and disgrace that inevitably arose from their past as comfort women, the Korean comfort women’s experiences had unjustly remained hidden for an inordinate amount of time. Conclusion The Japanese comfort stations during World War II completely disregarded comfort women’s rights and silenced their past as a product of the rationale for the system. Leatherman explicates that the silences and justifications â€Å"undergird[ed] the economic, social, cultural, and political power structures of patriarchy. Patriarchy is a hierarchal social order centered on dominant or hegemonic forms of masculinity† (4). The justifications and invisibility stem from the intersection of socially constructed gender, cultural, racial, and socioeconomic institutions. Comfort women have had to unjustly bear the â€Å"shame, ostracism, and dishonor that should be imputed to the perpetrator of sexual violence† (Askin, 31). There has been a continuum of this disregard into the present day as the Japanese government has failed to give an official apology for their wartime atrocities after 50 years of ignoring the existence of comfort women. This untiring neglect reproduces injustice and invisibility of the comfort women to this day. As of right now, there are only 63 registered Korean comfort women in South Korea waiting out their last years to be fully recognized as comfort women by the Japanese government. In order for there to be any strides in this movement, it is imperative that the social and gender hierarchies encumbering Japanese and Korean societies be deconstructed and reevaluated. Additionally, the vast gap between the value of the female and male’s experience and rights in the patriarchal nature of Japan’s society needs to be closed. Bibliography Ahmed, Sara. â€Å"Construction of Women And/in the Orient.† Women, Power, and Resistance: An Introduction to Women’s Studies. By Tess Cosslett, Alison Easton, and Penny Summerfield. Buckingham [England: Open UP, 1996. 225-32. Print. Argibay, Carmen M. â€Å"Sexual Slavery and the â€Å"Comfort Women† of World War II.† Berkeley Journal of International Law 21.375 (n.d.): 375-89. Print. Askin, Kelly D. â€Å"Comfort Women- Shifting Shame and Stigma from Victims to Victimizers.† International Criminal Law Review 1 (2001): 5-32. Print. Chang, Iris. â€Å"The Rape of Nanking.† The Law of War, a Documentary History. By Leon Friedman. New York: Random House, 1972. N. pag. Print. Enloe, Cynthia H. Bananas, Beaches & Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. Berkeley: University of California, 1988. Print Enloe, Cynthia H. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives. Berkeley: University of California, 2000. Print. Howard, Keith, and Young Joo. Lee. True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women. N.p.: Cassell, 1995. Print. Hughes, Donna M. â€Å"The ‘Natasha’ Trade: The Transnational Shadow Market of Trafficking in Women.† The ‘Natasha’ Trade: The Transnational Shadow Market of Trafficking in Women. Journal of International Affairs, 2000. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Kelly, Patty. â€Å"The Secrets We Keep: Sex, Work, and Stigma.† Lydia’s Open Door: Inside Mexico’s Most Modern Brothel. By Patty Kelly. Berkeley: University of California, 2008. N. pag. Print. Kempadoo,. â€Å"Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transnational Feminist Perspectives.† Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism. Indiana University Press, n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Kim, Hyun S. â€Å"History and Memory: The â€Å"Comfort Women† Controversy.† Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 5.1 (1997): 73-108. Print. Kokopeli, Bruce, and George Lakey. â€Å"More Power Than We Want: Masculine Sexuality and Violence.† Reweaving the Web of Life: Feminism and Nonviolence. By Pam McAllister. Philadelphia, PA: New Society, 1982. N. pag. Print. Leatherman, Janie. Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Cambridge: Polity, 2011. Print. MacKinnon, Catharine A. Feminism, Marxism, Method and the State. N.p.: University of Chicago, 1987. Print. Schmidt, David A. Ianfu, the Comfort Women of the Japanese Imperial Army of the Pacific War: Broken Silence. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 2000. Print. Stetz, Margaret D., and Bonnie B. C. Oh. Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2001. Print. Tanaka, Toshiyuki. Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996. Print. Tong, Rosemarie. Feminist Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1989. Print. â€Å"Uncomfortable Truths.† Trouble and Strife RSS. N.p., n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. â€Å"United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.† What Is Human Trafficking? N.p., n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Vance, Carole S. â€Å"Social Construction Theory.† An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. By Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan. Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher Education, 2006. 29-32. Print. Varga, Aniko. â€Å"National Bodies: The ‘Comfort Women’ Discourse and Its Controversies in South Korea.† Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 9.2 (2009): n. pag. Print. Watanabe, Kazuko. â€Å"Trafficking in Women’s Bodies: Then and Now: The Issue of Military â€Å"Comfort Women†Ã¢â‚¬  Peace & Change 20.4 (1995): 501-14. Print. Yang, Hyunah. â€Å"Finding the â€Å"Map of Memory†: Testimony of the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery Survivors.† Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 16.1 (2008): 79-107. Print. Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, and Suzanne O’Brien. Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II. New York: Columbia UP, 2000. Print.